East Libya approves disputed Turkish maritime agreement, Athens and Nicosia outraged

On Tuesday, the parliament of eastern Libya approved the maritime boundary agreement that Turkey signed in 2019 with the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord, then internationally recognized. This retroactively grants the blessing of the eastern part of the country, controlled by General Khalifa Haftar, to a treaty that Greece, Cyprus and Egypt have considered unlawful from the outset.

Citing two Libyan lawmakers, Reuters reported that the legislature unanimously revoked two of its 2020 resolutions at the same session. In one, it had refused to ratify the maritime and security memorandums signed by the Tripoli government and Ankara, and in the other it had severed political relations with Turkey.

"Some countries may be unhappy with this agreement, but what matters to us is the national interest"

— said lawmaker Tarek al-Jeroushi, trotting out the familiar sovereigntist, national-interest rhetoric, arguing that the agreement strengthens Libya's position vis-à-vis the great powers politically, militarily and economically. Lawmaker Aisha al-Tabalki added that the relevant committees had analyzed the provisions in detail before the vote. Ankara welcomed the decision, stressing that the agreement respects the rights of both countries under international law as well as the principle of equity.

The 2019 memorandum is
one of the most sensitive documents in the eastern Mediterranean

The agreement draws a common maritime border between the Turkish and Libyan coasts, completely disregarding the Greek islands lying between them, including Crete. The Greek foreign ministry reacted immediately on Tuesday; according to its statement, the Libyan parliament's decision does not change the fact that the memorandum is "illegal, null and void," and that it violates international maritime law. According to Athens, geography cannot be altered by a parliamentary vote, since Turkey and Libya do not have coasts that are opposite or adjacent to each other, between which a maritime border could be drawn. The agreement, it says, disregards the maritime zones to which the Greek islands are entitled under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Greece pointed to its own maritime agreements with Egypt and Italy as proof that it respects international law, and stated that it had informed its partners and allies and would take all necessary steps to protect its sovereign rights. The Cypriot foreign ministry likewise declared the memorandum illegal and void, saying it violates the sovereign rights of third states and produces no legal effect against them. In 2020, precisely in response to this, Athens and Cairo signed their own exclusive economic zone agreement, which overlaps with the Turkish–Libyan zone but is not recognized by Ankara. Tensions have been further heightened by Greece's decision last year to grant a Chevron-led consortium a license to explore for hydrocarbons in areas south of Crete, which Turkey called "illegal."

Behind the shift in eastern Libya lies a years-long
policy of rapprochement

Since the 2011 overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi and the civil war that followed, Libya has been split between two rival power centers: the western government in Tripoli and the Haftar-controlled east. Turkey's military support in 2019–2020 played a decisive role in preventing Haftar's forces from capturing Tripoli. A few years later, however, Ankara is doing business with both sides: in April 2025, Haftar's son and deputy, Saddam Haftar, paid a visit to Ankara; in August of that same year, Turkish warships arrived in Benghazi; and this past June, the head of Turkish intelligence held talks in Benghazi.

According to Al Jazeera reporting from July, the cooperation has now moved to a practical military level: it involves military facilities, advanced surveillance systems, the training of eastern Libyan officers in Turkey, and the involvement of Turkish defense companies. Ankara's primary goal was to get the eastern authorities to accept the 2019 maritime boundary as well, thereby preserving its influence in any future Libyan settlement. Egypt, Haftar's longtime backer, has been surprisingly quiet this time: according to an Egyptian source cited by Al Jazeera, Ankara does nothing in Libya without prior consultation with Cairo, and the two countries also support the same side in Sudan. A Libyan security analyst, however, said that a permanent Turkish military presence near the Egyptian or Algerian border would cross a red line. An analyst at Britain's RUSI said the latest vote could pave the way for a greater Turkish military presence in eastern Libya.

The decision comes at a time when tensions are already mounting in the eastern Mediterranean. Israel may sell advanced warships to Cyprus, Nicosia has already unveiled the Israeli Barak MX air defense system, while Ankara keeps troops and anti-ship missiles stationed in the northern, Turkish-occupied part of the island. With the Libyan vote, Turkey has now brought the entire Libyan coastline behind its own maritime concept, reinforcing a maritime border that, despite Greek and Cypriot claims, cuts through the legitimate zones of Crete and Cyprus. Whether the decision will have practical consequences — for instance, whether Turkish research vessels will appear in the disputed waters, or whether Turkish bases will be built in eastern Libya — remains to be seen. What is already clear, however, is that Ankara has successfully won over even the losing side of the Libyan civil war, and is increasingly setting the rules of the game in the eastern Mediterranean.

Ugar